Project Internship Report

Voices Amidst Conflict: Gay Men in Northern Ireland Project Internship Research Report

Introduction

The sex researcher Alfred Kinsey broke the ground for research into homosexuality in 1948 with Sexual Behavior in the Human Male, which indicated that sexual experiences between males was more common than previously thought. He believed that sexuality was a fluid concept and that individuals fell on a measurable scale factoring heterosexuality with homosexuality. Studies such as this began to question long held societal views regarding homosexuality, with further research being pursued. The emerging scientific evidence helped gays and lesbians establish a movement to expand visibility. In the 1970s studies started to deemphasize pathological causation and instead treat homosexuality as a distinct identity. The search for a model upon which identity formation in homosexuals could be explained became the focus. Two models of sexual identity formation became accepted theories, the first of Cass, with a more recent proposal by Kaufmann-Johnson.

In 1979, Vivienne Cass proposed a six stage model of homosexual identity formation, based on several previously considered models. The model held that there were six specific stages in the formation of a homosexual identity: identity confusion, identity comparison, identity tolerance, identity acceptance, identity pride, and identity synthesis. Individuals would go through the process, the end goal of which was to firmly accept the identity. In 1984 she published a paper, Homosexual Identity Formation, in which she documented the results of a qualitative study. The purpose of which was to establish the validity of the Cass model. Her conclusion held that the six stage model was valid for four of the stages, and that specific distinctions between the stages were identifiable.

Joanne Kaufman and Carolyn Johnson questioned the usefulness of models unique to LGBTI populations, believing that the model proposed by Cass was too linear and narrow in scope. In 2004 Kaufman & Johnson published Stigmatized Individuals and the Process of Identity, in which they proposed that sociological models based on situational interactionism, reflected appraisal and situational identity negotiation theories were better suited to account for LGBTI experience, without the need for a community specific model. They suggested that identity formation was an active and continual process encompassing diversity of background, the social environment, personal self-view, and peer interaction. They further introduced the notion that gay relationships were one of the most important influences on identity formation. Their study attempted to demonstrate that these sociological frameworks explained the breadth of experience and outcome more than the traditional models.

While research into sexual identity formation is readily available, there has been little research done on how said identity formation might differ given the exposure to sectarian conflict. Literature particular to sectarian conflict in the case of Northern Ireland has been constrained to the main protagonists during “the Troubles” (the name given to three decades of violence over the geo-political status of Northern Ireland from 1968-1998) and includes such rich scholarship as Brian M. Walker’s A Political History of the Two Irelands: From Partition to Peace (2012) and Steve Bruce’s Paisley: Religion and Politics in Northern Ireland (2009). Yet, little research focuses specifically on the experiences of sexual minorities who were part of these torn communities – both Protestant and Catholic. Some ethnographic work has been done such as Marian Duggan’s Queering Conflict: Exploring Lesbian and Gay Experiences of Homophobia in Northern Ireland (2011), which focused on the specific issue of homophobia, and Paul Ryan’s Coming Out, Fitting In: The Personal Narratives of Some Gay Irish Men (2003) which is limited to date from only four interviews and included the entire island of Ireland in his sampling.

Voices Amidst Conflict sought to broaden the existing scholarship through a qualitative ethnographic study that collected and examined the experiences of gay men in Belfast, Northern Ireland to explore sexual identity formation in the atmosphere of sectarian conflict. Storytelling has a rich tradition in Northern Irish culture, and it was through oral histories that the experiences of gay men in Belfast were gathered and maintained, keeping intact the constructs of their own recollections. The project had two goals. First, to compile and archive for the historical record the individual experiences of gay men before, during, and after “The Troubles;” and second, to use these interviews to determine how the coming out process is influenced given sectarian conflict. The project is being conducted within the Cultural Studies paradigm using the interdisciplinary approaches of History, Political Science and Social Work to understand the powerful cultural forces facing gay men during the troubles.

Methodology
Elements of the Project

The project entailed a qualitative ethnographic study involving 48 self-identifying homosexual men, and received approval by Weber State University’s Institute Review Board. Participation was voluntary with invitation based on self-identification as a gay male over the age of 18. Additional restrictions on participations imposed by WSU’s IRB was that none could be exhibiting signs of dementia or other cognitive impairment. Initial participants were identified with the assistance of Belfast’s Rainbow Project using availability sampling. This involved a list of potential individuals, members of Rainbow Project’s staff and volunteer team, and attending several LGBTI organisation social events including the Out n About Walking Club, Queer Space (Belfast drop-in center), Derry drop-in center, Gay Lesbian Youth Network Northern Ireland, and a GUM STI Clinic Drop-in. Additional methods involved snowball sampling using the social networks of initial participants. Participants were grouped into 4 age brackets: (a) 18-25, (b) 26-39, (c) 40-59, and (d) 60 and over designed to represent the four periods of “the Troubles:” pre-violence, violent era, political negotiation, and modern era. Semi-structured interviews of one to two hour duration was the means to gather the data. During the course of the study, a field journal was kept by the researcher to record observations, personal feelings, and commentary on the population being studied with portions of it released on a public blog.

Because of the expansive nature of the task of tracking down and interviewing participants, it was necessary to travel to Northern Ireland, spending four months living amongst the population. Housing was found within the Lower Ormeau neighborhood near Queens University in the south side of the city. This neighborhood was once a Nationalist-Republican enclave but in recent years has become populated by a diverse number of ethnic groups including Roma, Polish, Romanian, Chinese, Slovakian, etc. The researcher ended up living with two housemates who represented different religious and political identities, one being a Nationalist Catholic from Derry, the other a Protestant from Dundalk.

Internship

Important to the project was gaining entry to the LGBTI community of Northern Ireland, which was facilitated by an internship conducted at TRP, Northern Ireland’s LGB&T support and advocacy organisation. During the length of fifteen weeks, approximately 225 volunteer hours were served in the role of Project Development Officer under the direction of TRP’s Sexual Health Development Officer in the capacity of providing ongoing office and administrative support by answering phones, meeting and greeting service users, coordinating and supporting volunteers and undertaking community outreach. Some of the particulars included maintaining sexual testing inventory levels, assisting in presenting a sexual orientation awareness training for teacher training at the University of Ulster, Coleraine, registering clients at a Sexual Health Screening clinic offered, working four nights delivering sexual health information with the Outreach team, and overseeing a weekly volunteer night responsible for putting together safer sex packs for distribution to clients and by the Outreach team. In addition to gaining access to potential participants, the researcher was able to gain a deeper understanding of the nuances of health related issues for the LGBT community in Northern Ireland (more specifically around sexual health and HIV which remains a large issue for many LGBT people).

Project Supervision

Project was supervised through frequent distance contact between the author and three main faculty mentors: Dr. Kathryn MacKay, Professor of History, Dr. Corina Segovia-Tadehara, Professor of Social Work, and Dr. Richard Price, Professor of Political Science. Additionally, contacts with two other faculty advisors were maintained unofficially, Dr. Carol McNamara, Director of the Walker Institute, who oversaw the internship conducted; and Dr. Barrett Bonella, Professor of Social Work, who advised on the project methodology.
Interview Development and Pilot Testing

Interview questions were designed to target specific data from participants: demographics and conditions of childhood, exposure to the troubles, development of sexual identity, external environmental presence of support conditions favorable to coming up gay, resiliency factors, and details of participant’s life today. The questions were developed with the consultation of researcher’s above stated mentors, two of TRP’s mental counselors (both of whom have expertise in working with Northern Ireland’s LGBTI and are accredited members of the British Association for Counseling and Psychotherapy), and Dr. Paul McCold, a personal friend with experience in conducting research in the field of Restorative Justice and Conferencing. The interview questions underwent pilot testing with two pilot participants (referred to as P.P.#) in late January. Feedback from the pilot testing was minor, and resulted in slight tailoring of the order of the questions. Because the data attained from the two pilot interviews corresponded with the data hoped for, it was decided that the pilot testing was sufficient.

Data Collection Process

Active interviewing began on February 1st. Participant’s were interviewed individually in facilities provided by TRP in Belfast and Londonderry/Derry, with one interview conducted in a public house, and one conducted at the participant’s home (participant was a TRP volunteer and known by the interviewer). Researcher followed protocols restricting interviews of unknown participants in their personal homes.

Each one of the participants were treated in the exact same manner: participants were offered a refreshment such as coffee or tea and were given a brief overview of the project. They were then walked through the filling out of a WSU Oral History Interview Agreement Form outlining legal disclaimers and determining restrictions placed on the audio and transcript. Participants were offered the chance to both review audio/transcript and receive final copies after processing. They were then shown two things (See Appendix A):

A modified Cass Sexual Identity Formation Scale listing each stage and description. This was taken from Cass’ 1979 study and updated with TRP’s Sexual Health Development Officer to reflect modern terminology and local usage. As Cass’ original results showed little difference in respondents in Stage 1 and Stage 2, both were combined for the use of this project. The participant was told that one of these stages should best describe where they felt they were in their lives today. They were also told that no one stage would be one-hundred percent accurate, and each stage would have items that applied and did not apply.

The researcher then left the room, giving the participant five minutes to familiarise themselves with the two documents. When researcher returned, the participant was advised to refrain from using personal identifiers such as names; that naming particular neighborhoods was important given how radically change within Northern Ireland but based on their own comfort level; that they were welcome to name political parties, politicians, and other well known persons in the media. Participant was finally assured that this was their own personal narrative and they were welcome to take me on their own journey, and to use whatever language they were comfortable with, and to notify the researcher if they became uncomfortable with a question or particular line of inquiry. The interview was then begun, with the researcher sitting directly opposite.

While interview questions were developed to facilitate the data required, because the over arching goal of the project was to use oral history format to preserve the narratives, participants were encouraged to take the interviews in the direction they wanted to share, with the expectation that the interviewer would steer them back if there was a direction he felt important. While it was attempted to maintain the same rough structure of the interview, this was not possible as a consequence of the unique experiences that the participants brought. Some were more heavily exposed to the troubles than others, and sub prompts greatly varied from person to person. Older participants tended to self-direct their own recollections, while younger participants tended to rely heavily on interviewer prompting sticking strictly to the format.

The validation interviews were completed 30th March, 2014. Interviews of the comparison group, gay men who grew up LDS in LDS dominated communities, will be gathered the second week of may. The interviews for this group will be conducted in the same manner as the validation set, with the exception being that participants will not have exposure to sectarian conflict. This will be a much smaller group, made up of eight individuals, two from each age bracket.

Research Roadblocks, Unanticipated Issues, and Deviations from Initial Planning

Several unanticipated problems were encountered during the actual operational phases of the project. These were minor concerns dealing with logistics, rather than data integrity and appear to have been natural hurdles akin to the researcher’s skill level. Four different issues were encountered.

Firstly, the interviews were planned to take a maximum of an hour, which was found during pilot-testing to be inadequate and potentially extending to an hour-and-half. This was again needed to be extended to a potential two-and-half hours time period. The reasons for the extended interview times emerged to differ depending on the participants age and their exposure to the troubles. Those who were older had both more exposure as well as a longer life story in general. Younger participants were as brief as fourteen minutes (the shortest interview), with the longest taking two-and-half hours. This was based on how co-operative and forthcoming the participants were in their answers. The only issue this played on the project itself were the first two interviews who happened to be scheduled back to back (having assumed two hour time slots). As the participants were a couple, the second participant was more than willing to re-schedule. No further scheduling conflicts occurred throughout the project.

In addition to the length of interviews being relative to life experience, length was also influenced by occasional participants who would ‘hi-jack’ the interview. These were individuals who in addition to having many experiences to share, also had more complicated life stories and had the potential to ramble or go on circuitous tangents. While every effort was made by the researcher to reign the participants in and get them back on track, this often proved difficult with the researcher’s level of interview experience. Some of the data accordingly may not relate to the project being studied, but does provide an interesting commentary on part of the LGB&T Community in Northern Ireland.

Because the length of the interviews was on the whole longer than anticipated, the time needed for transcription was greatly underestimated. Not only were the interviews longer, the transcription work itself was underestimated. Instead of a normal one hour interview taking approximately three hours, an hour long interview instead took about six hours to transcribe. This brought about a level of frustration due to the necessity of extending timelines by about a month, just because of the transcription process. Timelines for completing the project entirely is now anticipated to be at the end of May, 2014.

The final hurdle encountered within the project was the lack of availability of gay identifying participants over the age of 65 (the fourth age bracket). By mid-February it became apparent that this demographic would simply not be attainable. Upon consulting with my mentors it was decided that changing the older two age brackets to 40 to 59, and 60+ would not have a significant impact on the data. While those aged 65+ would have experienced much more of the atmosphere pre-troubles, data obtained from one individual who was 68 and the others in their sixties showed little difference to warrant an exclusive look at such a high age bracket. Once age brackets were adjusted, the desired quotas were able to fit within timelines for completing the interview process.

Discussion on Initial Indications

The 48 main participants came from a vast demographic, representative of a wide swath of Northern Irish society. All of the individuals were self-identified gay men, with the majority reporting stage 6 on the Cass Sexual Identity Formation Scale (while Cass' development model is seen to be problematic in the modern sense for its linear nature as well as lack of applicability in the changed evolution of acceptance of gays, for a conservative society and in particular Northern Ireland, I believe that the model is useful in screening those who are early on their journey of sexual development and whose potential exhibitors of factors associated with problematic sexual identity formation are actually due to immature development as opposed to problematic development). Regarding this figure, 35 reported as stage six (the final stage), 1 in between five and six, and 4 in stage five. Only 7 participants reported in being in a lower stage, with the lowest stage reported being 3.

Participants fell into 4 age brackets (18-25, 26-39, 40-59, 60+) to correspond with being in early adulthood during one of the four eras of modern Northern Irish history: pre-troubles (12 respondents), early troubles (11 respondents), late troubles (13 respondents), and post political agreement (12 respondents). These respondents were ranked on a 5 point scale referring to their exposure to the thirty year period of violence known as "The Troubles" (1969-1998) with zero being the least exposed and 4 having the maximum exposure (4's were given based upon frequent exposure to civil unrest and/or victimization). Ranking on this scale was determined by Interviewer based upon participant responses. Of the total number of participants, 58% reported recollections of significant exposure. As was expected, the older age brackets had higher exposure than the lower age brackets with most in the youngest age bracket being assigned 1. For older participants, the exposure varied depending on what neighborhood the individual grew up in or career paths taken (3 respondents in particular experienced maximum exposure as a consequence of one having been a member of the Royal Ulster Constabulary/RUC, one a member of the British Army who served several tours of duty in Northern Ireland, and one a member of a paramilitary organization).

Geographically, 44 of the respondents grew up in Northern Ireland, with the rest growing up in England and the Republic of Ireland (The English respondent and one of the republic of Ireland participants moved to Northern Ireland at the beginning of the troubles to find work and stayed; The two other Republic participants were born near the border with Northern Ireland and spent time on both sides). Of those raised in Northern Ireland, 22 are from County Antrim (15 of which from Belfast), 11 from County Down, 8 from County Londonderry, 2 from County Tyrone, and 1 unspecified (Counties Fermanagh and Armagh fielded 0 participants).

As to the faith community of the participants, 20 were raised Catholic, 21 Protestant, 4 with no religious identification, 1 mixed (both Catholic and Protestant), and 2 not stating any religious background growing up. Protestants represented a diverse number of faiths with 6 Presbyterian, 1 Christian, 4 Church of Ireland/Anglican, 1 Christadelphian, and 1 Plimouth Brethren, 3 unspecified Protestants, and 5 mixed Protestant faiths (person was either raised with two different faiths simultaneously, or families converted among different sects at different times).

This research is exploratory and in many ways ground breaking. It is difficult to anticipate any outcomes of the research beyond a belief that overall generalities and patterns in the coming out experiences will be similar with some possible differences in the narratives of those raised with different religious affiliations. Marie Duggan found in her research that some variation existed and offered an explanation of Catholic emphasis on action versus Protestant emphasis on identification (2011, p. 80-81). There is also some anticipation of differences in the narratives of those raised rurally rather than in urban settings.

Most of the participants appeared to be healthy, with few of them currently experiencing any factors such as alcoholism, drug addiction, inability to form and maintain platonic relationships, and so forth. A portion of participants did have some alcohol and drug abuse at earlier points of their lives, but this appear to be related to other coinciding conditions such as mental disorders, and in two individual’s case, severe PTSD related to atypical victimisation (one was a former paramilitary the other was physically forced to leave town by a paramilitary group on accusations he had made unwanted sexual advances). There is another portion of individuals who did report some inability to form stable romantic relationships, however this will need to await the final analysis to see where it fits in relation to age, and presence of the afore mentioned factors. On the whole, the individuals who participated in the study were happy, well adjusted gay men, many of which were in either paired or long term dating relationships that they described favorably.

At this juncture of the project the interviews are still in process of finishing transcription and being coded for analysis and as such conclusive results are pending. That being said, the above observations and initial impressions from the researcher based upon the hearing of the initial interviews leads the researcher to preliminarily venture that it would appear that sectarian conflict does not have a direct link to causing problematic sexual identity formation. However, most, if not all did exhibit problematic sexual identity formation at some point in their early stages of their formation. This appeared to clear up once the participant was able to address and rectify what the particular road block in their development was (some it was a conflict with faith, some family expectations, others their employment). Once the intervention was introduced, most of the participants responded favorably enough to continue their journey of sexual identity formation. This was similar among participants who had both little exposure to the troubles, and those who had a significant amount of exposure. Had the actual basis of the blockage in their identity formation been attributed to their exposure to sectarian conflict, it is doubtful that the participants would have been as responsive to the said interventions.

It is the researcher’s opinion that the causation of problematic sexual identity formation is more correctly to be attributed to living in a conservative society, which it is hoped will be supported by appearing equally in the LDS raised comparison populations. If sectarianism can be thought to have any impact on sexual identity formation it is probably as a consequence of sectarianism fostering a conservative society. For thirty years, from 1969 to 1998, Northern Ireland remained a rigidly conservative society, which only let up once militarization ended and outside elements began to feel safe in the province. To clarify, while sectarianism is a factor that can contribute to sexual identity formation through maintaining a conservative society, it however is only a factor.

Conclusion

Sexual identity formation is still relatively not well understood, and as Kaufman believed, not a linear process. That process is vast and varies based on a variety of interconnected factors, which may be complicated by the presence of sectarianism. Sectarianism however does not seem to effect an individual’s sexual identity formation any more significantly than it does all other aspects of their life and environment. That will change from person to person, based on the quality of life and the physical and emotional safety factors which have been a foundation of Abraham Maslow’s work in his hierchy of needs.

This project is significant in it’s breadth and scope. While it can not necessarily be applied to all individuals in Northern Ireland who identify as gay, the very scope indicates that the findings here are well representative of that demographic. In addition to a fascinating look into sectarianism and how it relates to sexual identity formation, this project has gathered data in regards to other aspects of the Northern Irish gay experience.

Political affiliation and voting habits is one such area. Most gay men expressed dissatisfaction with the political system and that none of the established parties represent their views. This was consistent across the political backgrounds of the participants, whether green or orange.

“In Northern Ireland, I sometimes doubt the ability of the people of Northern Ireland to elect people who are suitable to govern. I genuinely do not believe that the people who are current ministers in Stormont are capable of being ministers.” - Participant 2

While Colleen Steenkamp's Culture of Violence theory did not seem to apply towards many aspects of public perception of gays (i.e., gays did not seem singled out for homophobic attacks any worse than other places), there are other aspects of life where this could very well be observed, such as within the education system. Recent allegations of abuse (both sexual, emotional and physical) within the Catholic Church have portrayed an often brutal environment. Participant 35 went into some of the intimidation he experienced.

“When violence is done that’s bad enough, but when violence is done in the name of God for your own good, it sort of doesn’t work. It’s just a contradiction of terms. Here’s a God of love, but just to make sure, we’re gonna batter you stupid. So, you’se understand the God of love, you know?"

Yet another theme that was consistently seen is that the Troubles effected the poorer working class neighborhoods the worst. Most paramilitaries were recruited from such neighborhoods as a reaction to a feeling of helplessness. While upper class had political outlets, the working class often saw violence as their only way of being heard and forcing change.

“The only people who are in jail are working class. And Republicans were the same. The only people who were open, working class, were Republicans. And ye sat and you looked at them, you went, “He came from Ballymurphy. He came from Turflodge. And, his Dad was a brookie.” 
- Participant 47

Emigration, the great tragedy of the island of Ireland, both north and south, was echoed by many of the participants. A significant number of the younger participants expressed their desire to emigrate, either finding Northern Ireland too provincial or few opportunities for them. Participant three expressed ambivalence in not knowing whether to go or stay:

"I suppose the biggest stress for me at the minute is whether I want to keep living here...I sort of, I almost feel as if it’s too small for me. That the things that people care about here are, are almost insignificant to me. And whether or not I am more suited to living somewhere else. But, also, you know, as an Irish person, I’m very aware of the legacy of Irish people leaving Ireland, and the damage that has done to the country. So, it’s always, it’s almost a sense of if you leave, it’s almost, like, giving up. Giving up on Ireland. I don’t know. Something I’ll probably be thinking about for another couple of years, anyway."

It is my hope that this research will spur others to look into issues such as these, not only within the LGBTI community, but also within Northern Ireland in general. Research is only useful if it either galvanizes further inquiry or culminates in a final, useful product, and it is the researcher’s opinion that this research accomplishes both. Not only has significant inquiry been made into a little known area of conflict studies, but the life stories and history of gay men who lived during the Troubles in Northern Ireland, has now been recorded and preserved. During the course of the researcher’s time in Northern Ireland he has engaged and met with some of the most resilient and amazing persons he has had the honor to meet. He has also had the chance to observe, question, analyze the going ons first hand of a society in the stage post-political reconciliation, speaking with not only LGBTI society, but with a wide expanse of individuals across the province.

It has been a remarkable ride.

The first Demographic Returns on the project

Onto the next phase of my project. On March 30, I successfully concluded my 48th interview, bringing an end to the interviewing and data collection phase. Now, on to the coding and data entry, allowing me to be able to tabulate some basic demographics and verifying some initial conclusions. The transcription part of the project is a bugger, and has expanded from my initial projections to 4 times the amount of labour needed. It will probably be well into May before I have a final master transcript to present. Which is fine, because comparison group interviews won't be completed until the second week in May.

The participants come from a wide range of backgrounds and experiences. Here are the first returns on demographics of the participants:

48 gay men were interviewed between February 1st and March 30th. All of the individuals were self-identified gay men, with the majority reporting stage 6 on the Cass Sexual Identity Formation Scale (while Cass' development model is seen to be problematic in the modern sense for its linear nature as well as lack of applicability in the changed evolution of acceptance of gays, for a conservative society and in particular Northern Ireland, I believe that the model is useful in screening those who are early on their journey of sexual development and whose potential exhibitors of factors associated with problematic sexual identity formation are actually due to immature development as opposed to problematic development). Regarding this figure, 35 reported as stage six (the final stage), 1 in between five and six, and 4 in stage five. Only 7 participants reported in being in a lower stage, with the lowest stage reported being 3.

Participants fell into 4 age brackets (18-25, 26-39, 40-59, 60+) to correspond with being in early adulthood during one of the four eras of modern Northern Irish history: pre-troubles (12 respondents), early troubles (11 respondents), late troubles (13 respondents), and post political agreement (12 respondents). These respondents were ranked on a 5 point scale referring to their exposure to the thirty year period of violence known as "The Troubles" (1969-1998) with zero being the least exposed and 4 having the maximum exposure (4's were given based upon frequent exposure to civil unrest and/or victimization). Ranking on this scale was determined by Interviewer based upon participant responses. Of the total number of participants, 58% reported recollections of significant exposure. As was expected, the older age brackets had higher exposure than the lower age brackets with most in the youngest age bracket being assigned 1. For older participants, the exposure varied depending on what neighborhood the individual grew up in or career paths taken (3 respondents in particular experienced maximum exposure as a consequence of one having been a member of the Royal Ulster Constabulary/RUC, one a member of the British Army who served several tours of duty in Northern Ireland, and one a member of a paramilitary organization).

Geographically, 44 of the respondents grew up in Northern Ireland, with the rest growing up in England and the Republic of Ireland (The English respondent and one of the republic of Ireland participants moved to Northern Ireland at the beginning of the troubles to find work and stayed; The two other Republic participants were born near the border with Northern Ireland and spent time on both sides). Of those raised in Northern Ireland, 22 are from County Antrim (15 of which from Belfast), 11 from County Down, 8 from County Londonderry, 2 from County Tyrone, and 1 unspecified (Counties Fermanagh and Armagh fielded 0 participants).

As to the faith community of the participants, 20 were raised Catholic, 21 Protestant, 4 with no religious identification, 1 mixed (both Catholic and Protestant), and 2 not stating any religious background growing up. Protestants represented a diverse number of faiths with 6 Presbyterian, 1 Christian, 4 Church of Ireland/Anglican, 1 Christadelphian, and 1 Plimouth Brethren, 3 unspecified Protestants, and 5 mixed Protestant faiths (person was either raised with two different faiths simultaneously, or families converted among different sects at different times).

Overall participants were well representative of the general population in terms of geography, religious upbringing, and exposure to the Troubles.